Highlights
- China maintains a near-total monopoly on military-grade rare earth magnets, controlling 87% of global processing and nearly 100% of defense-critical heavy rare earths.
- U.S. efforts to develop domestic rare earth magnet production remain severely limited, with current and planned facilities falling far short of military and industrial needs.
- Systemic industrial policy reconstruction is needed to decouple from Chinese rare earth magnet dependence and protect national technological sovereignty.
A comprehensive analysis by Richard Mills at Ahead of the Herd lays bare an uncomfortable truth: no amount of Washington optimism, Defense Production Act cash, or even presidential summitry is loosening China’s grip on military-grade rare earth magnets. Despite high-profile announcements—like the June 11 U.S.-China rare earths framework and new Department of Defense investments—Mills shows that America’s capacity to produce heat-resistant, military-grade magnets remains functionally negligible.
Mills is right where it counts. China’s monopoly on rare earth processing remains intact—87% globally—and nearly 100% for defense-critical heavy rare earths, such as samarium, terbium, and dysprosium. Even with new facilities coming online from MP Materials and Lynas, the combined U.S. output of finished NdFeB magnets will reach under a percentage point of China’s production by 2026. Samarium-cobalt magnet production, essential for precision-guided munitions and fighter jet avionics, doesn’t even exist at the material level outside China.
While Executive Order 14241 and DoD funding are moving the dial, Mills correctly points out they lack the scale, speed, and heavy rare earth integration required to decouple. He spotlights a sobering number: the U.S. military likely needs 3,000 tons of permanent magnets annually. MP’s Fort Worth plant will max out at 1,000 tons—and not all are defense-grade.
REEx Reflections
The potential role of allied countries like Australia and Japan in a coalition supply chain is largely overlooked. Projects like Arafura’s Nolans or Lynas’ new heavy rare earth separation in Texas, though modest, are critical stepping stones toward resiliency, as is the recent announcement of MP Materials involving heavies. Mills also bypasses emerging U.S. R&D in magnet recycling, substitution technologies, and next-gen processing via ionic liquids and bioleaching. It will take time, but in the long run, Rare Earth Exchanges (REEx) is bullish about disruptive innovation in the USA. However, in the short to intermediate term, without a critical mineral or rare earth industrial policy to transcend the situation, the bearish sentiment is not incorrect.
Also not delineated in the piece is the role of NATO, the EU’s Critical Raw Materials Act, and the Minerals Security Partnership (MSP) in building collective deterrence to China’s resource weaponization. While this is not enough by itself, if coupled with an alliance-driven industrial policy, China’s monopoly will disappear more quickly.
Mills’ report is a wake-up call, not a eulogy. It demands that U.S. industrial policy shift from episodic subsidies to systemic reconstruction. Until the U.S. (or its partner) can mine, separate, alloy, and manufacture samarium-cobalt and heavy NdFeB magnets at scale, its warfighting edge—and industrial sovereignty—will remain dangerously outsourced to Beijing.
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