Myanmar’s Heavy Rare Earth Reality Check: “Conflict Magnets” and the Kachin Factor

Jan 20, 2026

Highlights

  • Myanmar functions as China's heavy rare earth pressure valve, supplying dysprosium/terbium-rich material critical for EV motors, with the Kachin Independence Army now acting as de facto gatekeeper for northern output.
  • When conflict dynamics govern a supply node, price, continuity, and traceability become political variables rather than market variables, creating a midstream dependency stress test for rare earth supply chains.
  • If the West wants magnets without Myanmar-linked risk, it must rapidly fund separation, metal-making, and magnet capacity while backing alternative HREE supply and accepting higher costs.

Myanmar isnโ€™t a footnoteโ€”it's the heavy rare earth pressure valve. Myanmar sits near the top of Rare Earth Exchangesโ€™ heavy rare earth rankings, not because it runs a clean industrial machine, but because it supplies dysprosium/terbium-rich material into Chinaโ€™s midstream. Tobias Rossiโ€™s essay in Illuminem argues (opens in a new tab) the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) now functions as a de facto gatekeeper for northern Myanmarโ€™s heavy rare earth outputโ€”making Western โ€œde-riskingโ€ rhetoric collide with battlefield realities.

Whatโ€™s notable for investors

When a supply node is governed by conflict dynamics, price, continuity, and traceability become political variablesโ€”not market variables.

Sturdy foundations (generally consistent with known supply-chain mechanics):

  • Myanmarโ€™s heavy rare earth feedstock matters because dysprosium is used to stabilize NdFeB magnets for high-heat EV motor applications.
  • The environmental critique tracks: Myanmarโ€™s rare earth extraction has been widely associated with in-situ leaching, a method with significant groundwater and soil risks when poorly managed.
  • The articleโ€™s broader thesisโ€”Chinaโ€™s dominance is reinforced by midstream processing concentrationโ€”is directionally sound. Even โ€œex-Chinaโ€ ore often bottlenecks at the separation capacity.

Claims that may be accurate but should be treated as unverified unless sourced directly:

  • KIA troop counts (โ€œ15,000โ€), precise seizure timelines (โ€œlate 2024โ€), and the revenue/tax schedule (e.g., โ€œ35,000 yuan/ton + 20% levy,โ€ โ€œ>$200m annuallyโ€). These numbers may be plausible, but the essay does not show primary documentation.

Rhetoric vs reality: where the piece leans hard

Rossi writes with a strong moral frame (โ€œplanetary salvation,โ€ โ€œESG fantasy,โ€ โ€œBeijingโ€™s cold pragmatismโ€). That framing is compellingโ€”but it can also over-conclude. The line โ€œChina deals with them because it chooses toโ€ implies a neat, centralized control story. Real-world trade flows tend to be messier: multiple intermediaries, local power bargains, and cross-border enforcement gaps.

No obvious โ€œgotchaโ€ misinformation jumps out. The main risk is precision theater: confident figures and vivid imagery that may outpace verifiable data.

REEx takeaway: the Kachin supply chain is the stress test

Myanmarโ€™s heavy rare earths are not just another upstream story. They are a midstream dependency stress test. If the West wants magnets without Myanmar-linked risk, it must fund separation, metal-making, and magnet capacityโ€”fastโ€”while backing alternative HREE supply (and accepting higher costs).

Source: Tobias Rossi, โ€œLeaching sovereignty,โ€ Illuminem Voices, Jan 19, 2026 (and sources cited therein).

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By Daniel

Inspired to launch Rare Earth Exchanges in part due to his lifelong passion for geology and mineralogy, and patriotism, to ensure America and free market economies develop their own rare earth and critical mineral supply chains.

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